Written by: Abdul Majeed Swailem

The Israeli elections we described as the Earthquake has in fact occurred. The question now is: Will we be facing merely “aftershocks” or have a devastating tsunami? What resulted from these elections? Even if the results are in, some aspects are still subject to slightly change either upwards or downwards.

First, it was tangible that the national and religious trends became the appropriate incubator for neo-fascist rule in the occupying state. This issue is no longer a matter of speculation. The elections will be dated as the great "right-wing" coup since the 1977 election coup led by Menachem Begin. The "right" at that time was still mixed between the "ideological right", the "liberal right" and even the "centre right". The phenomenon of racism and fascism was only in its early beginnings.

Since Netanyahu's first success, a path to fascism and racism has begun. He excluded everyone who stood in his way including princes and ministers. Now, he is returning to power, passing through obstacles that seemed impossible to pass. Within three decades, Netanyahu oversaw a transformation towards racism and fascism. He was gradually enabling fascism to seize control of the Israeli state and society, including the media. He put political forces from the left and the centre in a critical position to choose. They either vanish or they identify with the national and religious right ideology.

Second, Netanyahu knows that in the beginning, this ideology will face internal, international and perhaps regional opposition. Therefore, he will not use an extremist and racist discourse until the "first storm" passes. To legitimise neo-fascism and enable the government’s control, the state is secured from any judicial prosecutions. That is, he will manoeuvre as much as is required in order to complete the suppression of 'everyone' under his direct command.

Third, with this new situation in Israel, the political solution will be gone. It will not return until the programmes and ideology approaches fail. This is the case after correcting the Palestinian situation and effectively coordinating with regional and international environment at all levels. 

All the programmes about the "two-state solution", "one country", "binational", "international conference format” or "international protection" without exception turn into interceptor programmes rather than targets. The work on it shifts from the direct political field to the media field. To synthesise a positive affective engagement with the international community and its organisations, as well as with the countries of the region, it is a political necessity. It is not a political programme for the Palestinian national movement. 

We are facing new realities and a new stage that has become imperative to leave the entire field of political solutions with all the concepts that have been in the position of political betting for more than three full decades. In all its meanings and new reality, this stage will impose on the entire national movement the necessity of confronting fascism with new programmes, tools and forms. It is a historic opportunity to break with the hesitant past.

Because the main features of this stage are the rise of fascism and its ascension to power in the occupying state, overthrowing the existing regime becomes the only programme capable of meeting the Palestinian right to self-determination on their land. The central focus of the Palestinian resistant movement will become an opposing factor towards the apartheid regime. Transforming this programme into a new national unanimity that secures our people's unity and which, once achieved, will establish the Palestinian's right to self-determination. What is new here is that we were working to overthrow fascist forces while also overthrowing a regime governed by these forces. 

Fourth, this new programme does not, and may not, abolish political and diplomatic action in the regional and international arenas if the opposite is not valid. Still, this programme for the Palestinian people will put this type of effort in its proper context that can serve the programme well.

Fifth, the Palestine Liberation Organisation (PLO) will not be able to lead the Palestinian people without true revolution in its reality of democracy, inclusion and containment of all forces without exception. Without rehabilitating its role in leading the national liberation, it will not live long after today. It is only the case under Israeli conditions and restrictions that will end its role and turn it into a new Arab body. In this case, the Israeli solution to the conflict will include the "seven states" project in its plan.

Sixth, the new national unanimity will transform the Palestinian arenas from a cycle of separation and conflict produced by the Oslo Accords into a circle of integration and harmony. This is because all Palestinians, without exception, have a direct and genuine national interest in this unanimity. Instead of the arenas supporting one another in some periods and events, the situation will turn to a higher stage. It is the unity of the programme and different forms of struggle, if necessary. The difference here is significantly qualitative and there is no room for comparison. 

Seventh, the new phase requires our people to open a comprehensive dialogue with the aim of agreement and unanimity. The absolute priority now is to rebuild the national programme because they, the families inside, will be the spearhead of this programme and the parliamentary form needs deep and severe national discussions.

 The recent Israeli elections proved that the unanimity of the national movement leads to more people rallying around the existing national trend.

Additionally, the Palestinian national movement inside the Occupation has become directly responsible to identify a form that it sees working with the Israeli Jewish forces that can align with, and overthrow, the racist and fascist regime.

The mask fell off the mask. There will be no new masks in the arena. After today, anyone who will search for a new mask will inevitably fall, regardless of the arguments, justifications and pretexts that will be present to circumvent the Palestinian struggle programme facing new and great dangers. This is a rare opportunity to leave the manoeuvring ground and directly engage in battle.

 The opinions expressed in this article are the views of the author and not necessarily the opinion of the Association or donor